Stitching together the Lelantine War

2018.06.06 | By Natasha Bershadsky, Andrea Debiasi, Douglas Frame, and Gregory Nagy

In the following representation of an email conversation that took place May 6 – June 2, 2018, Natasha Bershadsky, Gregory Nagy, Douglas Frame, and Andrea Debiasi engage in an intergenerational exchange of research, debating the vexed question of the nature of the Lelantine War, working out its connections with the Samian epic The Sack of Oikhalia and with poetic traditions of Homer and Hesiod.

The Lelantine Plain. Photo by Natasha Bershadsky.
The Lelantine Plain. Photo by Natasha Bershadsky.

Dramatis personae, in order of appearance, and synopsis

Natasha Bershadsky: The conversation begins when Natasha sends Greg a paper of hers on chariots in the Lelantine War, a paper that will end up being published in three posts in Classical Inquiries. In her research more broadly, Natasha explores ritual and mythological aspects of long-running border conflicts in Archaic Greece and their creative transformations by the democracies of the Classical period. The two conflicts that she has worked on the most are the Lelantine war between Eretria and Chalcis and the contestation of the Thyreatis between Argos and Sparta. She proposes that before ca. 550–500 BCE these confrontations took place in the framework of peace agreements between the opposing sides; they consisted of recurrent ritual combats (probably non-lethal) between the young aristocratic men belonging to the class of horsemen, which reenacted primordial catastrophic mythical battles. Natasha is a former student and junior colleague of Greg’s, currently a CHS Fellow in Ancient Greek History.

Gregory Nagy: Greg initiates the main action of the conversation below. The intellectual sparks start flying when he introduces Natasha and Doug to each other. In response to the paper that Natasha had sent to Greg, he responds by pointing her, in turn, to an online version of a paper written by Doug that touches on the Lelantine War. Natasha replies with further thoughts and questions for Doug. Greg completes the introduction by sending to Doug Natasha’s further thoughts and questions and by adding him to the conversation taking place via email. Later on Greg publishes in Classical Inquiries a response to already-published work by Doug, by Natasha, and also by Andrea Debiasi, whom he also adds to the conversation.

Douglas Frame: Doug and Natasha engage in a lively and fascinating working out of ideas centering on the Lelantine War, based in part on research he did during a brief period when he had the opportunity to look into the topic. Doug is a longtime colleague of Greg’s and a Senior Fellow at the Center.

Andrea Debiasi: Andrea adds yet further observations as well as a reference to a relevant passage in one of his books. Andrea was a CHS Fellow in Spring 2012 and is currently a Senior Research Fellow at University of Padua.

Keith Stone: Keith is the hidden key figure who presided over the fascinating transformation of a string of emails into an entry in Classical Inquiries. The idea of in medias res—a new feature of Classical Inquiries meant to record stimulating conversations in progress—belongs to him. He graciously put it into practice here for the first time, taking care at every step of the process that the result should be khariesteron (more beautiful and pleasant). Keith is the primary editor of Classical Inquiries and a CHS Fellow in Instructional Design, Comparative Study of Ancient Texts, and Research Publications. [Editor’s note: Natasha and Greg were kind enough to insist on the addition of this text as a way of highlighting my role, for which I cheerfully thank them.]

Natasha to Greg (May 6, 2018)

§1. I attach my paper on chariots in the Lelantine war. It might be a bit too long for Classical Inquiries by this point, but I would love to know what you think about it, in any case. (It fits well into “the book”). My favorite part is the last section, where I find the Athenians mocking the traditions of the Lelantine war in their victory inscription of 506 BCE.

Greg to Natasha (May 6, 2018)

§2. I can hardly wait to read you, and I will start today, I hope.

In the meantime, though, may I ask you to take a look at this article by Doug, which he wrote for the Holly Festschrift?

I have been neglectful in not sharing this article with you before.

I have praised your work to Doug so many times viva voce, and I know he is so eager to read you, that I want to start the “introduction” by showing him your beautiful article on Lelantine charioteering. But, before I show him your article, I thought I would quickly consult you about what you think about his article.

Natasha to Greg (May 8, 2018)

§3A. I would love to know what you think about the Lelantine chariots, and of course I would be delighted if Doug read anything that I have written. But I am concerned that the chariots are not self-sufficient—maybe my forthcoming Mètis paper, which lays out what I propose about the Lelantine war, is more solid. (I attach a typo-less version of that). [Editor’s note: Because of copyright restrictions, we cannot share this paper here.]

§3B. I have read Doug’s paper, which is fascinating. His idea, that the Samian Kreophyleioi innovated the Euboean location of Oikhalia in order to make a parallel to the events of the Lelantine war, has actually been put forward before—by Talamo in 1975, and recently in a slightly different form by Breglia (2013:50). Here is a link to Talamo’s paper—the thesis about the Lelantine war comes in §26: (Her reasoning, however, can be tenuous at times).

§3C. I wonder whether Doug’s proposition that the Euboean location of Oikhalia was intended to put Heracles on the side of Samos-Chalcis accounts for sufficient amount of the pieces of the puzzle. I myself certainly do not know how to put all of them together, but here are a few stray pieces:

§3D. 1) Concerning Herodotus 5.99, reporting the alignment Eretria-Miletus and Chalcis-Samos in an earlier conflict as a motivation of the Eretrian help to Miletus in 499 BCE: I think that the immediate political application of this story was an obfuscation of the Eretrian “too-democratic” connection with Athens in order to make the Eretrian help to Miletus appear more bi-partisan. Eretria was most probably a democracy by 506 BCE, and the confrontation between Eretria and Chalcis was very much over after the Athenian defeat of Chalcis. So it is just very crafty that the democratic Eretria would invoke the aristocratic practice several years after its violent demise. (A fuller version of the argument is in the Lelantine chariots paper. [Editor’s note: See now Bershadsky 2018.05.22 §3.])

2) I also wonder whether the attested Archaic conflict between Samos and Miletus was not of the similarly ritualized type as between Eretria and Chalcis—I write about it in the conclusion of my thesis. So I would stress “rivalry, not hostility,” in Doug’s own beautiful words, in the Archaic period.

3) If the Eretrian Oikhalia was created by the ‘anti-Eretrian’ Kreophyleioi, what should be done with the alternative name of Eretria, Μελανηίς, and its resemblance to Μελανεύς, the father of Eurytos? (Stephanus of Byzantium, gloss for the entry Eretria: Μελανηίς ἀπὸ Μελανέως τοῦ Εὐρύτου πατρός. Talamo makes a lot of the connection).

4) Is the contrast between the Lelantine war’s agreement not to use projectile weapons (Strabo 10.1.12) and Eurytus’ archery important?

5) What is going on with Heracles’ allies in the destruction of Oikhalia in Apollodorus 2.7.7: Arcadians, Malians from Trachis, and Epicnemidian Locrians?

6) There is an interesting parallel in Heracles’ victorious role in the conflict between Thebes and Orchomenos, on the side of Thebes. This has just occurred to me a minute ago, and I think I would love to pursue it further. It is very likely that the confrontation between Thebes and Orchomenos also used to be an aristocratic ritual (I have been looking into it), and Heracles might be a way out of this ritual into the democracy.

Apologies for the length!

Greg to Natasha (May 8, 2018)

§4. May I share with Doug cc you? I think he will be very very very interested.

Natasha to Greg (May 8, 2018)

§5. Of course, please do share with Doug!

Greg to Natasha and Doug (May 8, 2018)

§6. I’m re-attaching for Doug your original attachment.

Trust me . . . this will be a fun discussion.

Doug to Natasha (May 8, 2018)

§7A. I’m delighted to make your acquaintance through Greg’s kind offices. Your comments are most welcome. I had to scramble to inform myself about the Lelantine war for Holly’s Festschrift—I thought I had a year to produce an article, but in fact I had a month.The Lelantine war first entered the picture for me only then so I’m still delving. Something I did not consider in the article, but have thought about since, is Heracles’ use of the bow—a reversal of the terms of the actual war. In the Oikhalias Halosis Heracles must have raised an army to carry out his sack, just as Achilles led an army to sack the cities around Troy—an army is how Ionian epic pictured such things. So the list of Heracles’ allies from the region makes sense to me, though I don’t know how specific an Ionian epic would have been about who these allies were. The list could have been fleshed out in later tradition I suppose.

§7B. Regarding your first point, about democratic Eretria, I look forward to reading your paper about chariots. As to the reality of the aid that Miletus once gave Eretria, I’ve now read Victor Parker on the Lelantine war, and he argues that Herodotus, fan of Athens that he was, would not have given Eretria a reason to support the Ionians other than its support of Athens if that reason were not real—i.e., Miletus must really have helped Eretria in the Lelantine war, and Eretria now acted to repay that help. I understand that you nuance that argument in a very interesting way, at least I think I understand . . .

§7C. Thank you for alerting me to Talamo and Breglia. I was sure that someone must have connected the Oikhalias Halosis with the Lelantine war—the connection is too obvious not to have been noticed, though I think the real import is less obvious.

§7D. About the name Μελανηίς of Eretria, which I did not know about before, I bet that the Hesiodic fragments about Melaneus and Eurytos figure in the question of the name’s origin. I’ve already argued that Hesiod’s take on Eurytos and his sons (in particular their number, four) is post-Oikhalias Halosis (their number there is two). The “Hesiodic” fragments are really sixth-century Athenian, and my guess is that the name for Eretria first arose in sixth-century Athens.

Again, so glad to meet someone steeped in early Euboea—a very lucky stroke for me!

Natasha to Doug (May 10, 2018)

§8A. I am thrilled to make your acquaintance! About the Oikhalias Halosis, my most basic question is exactly about “the real import”—why would the Samian Kreophyleoi be that invested in the Eretrian location? Being allies in a war, real or ritualized (if I am reconstructing it right) is obviously important, but could there be more to it? And, was there some kind of Euboean input in the epic?

§8B. I am curious about how Euboean cults related to the post-Oikhalia Heracles relate to your argument. There was a tomb of Lichas at Cape Cenaeum. (And, by the way—dear Greg, you might like this too!—there is a fantastic fragment from Aeschylus’ Glaucus Pontius [fragment 25e], where a witness describes something [transformed Glaucus?] emerging from the sea near Cape Cenaeum:

ἔνθ]εν κατεῖδον θαῦμα [
Εὐβοΐδα καμπὴν ἀμφὶ Κηναίου Διὸς
ἀκτὴν κατ’ αὐτὸν τύμβον ἀθλίου Λίχα
κάμπτο]νθ’ ἅπερ̣ τέθριππον̣[

It’s like the whole of Euboea is a race-course, and the turning post in the tomb of Lichas).

Doug to Natasha (May 22, 2018)

§9A. You’ve sent me lots to think about. I’m still reading and digesting, and no doubt will have to do so for a while. A few general thoughts for now. Whereas you come at the Lelantine war from the standpoint of myth and ritual, I come at it from the standpoint of real wars. In my view the context for the creation of the two monumental Homeric poems resulted from a war in which several Ionian cities banded together to eliminate another city, Melia, and take its territory. The territory was divided up and a common festival of the Ionian cities, the Panionia, was instituted near the site of former Melia. The league of twelve cities that celebrated the Panionia at Panionion, as the site was now called, provides the Homeric context I’m proposing. The time of the Meliac war can be narrowed to the late eighth or early seventh century. The key figure in these events, as I reconstruct them, was the last king of Miletus. This king, named Leodamas, became king of Miletus by successfully defeating Carystus in Euboea in a war. Leodamas’s foreign conquest, as you know, is often related to the Lelantine war, though exactly how it is related is as unclear as the Lelantine war itself.

§9B. If I turn from my own hobby-horses and think of the perspective you bring to bear on the war, I’d perhaps suggest a compromise. You discuss two figures, Amphidamas and Cleomachus, in your article on the war. I’m convinced by your arguments that Cleomachus and his Thessalian cavalry have more to do with an aetiology for the institution of pederasty in Chalcis than with any real historical event (I hope I’m not misstating your view). Amphidamas, on the other hand, I’d be very reluctant to give up as the figure whose actual funeral Hesiod memorializes. Amphidamas died in a sea battle, as we know from a Plutarch fragment, and I’m tempted to speculate that the sea battle in question took place at Carystus against a fleet from Miletus—that’s a stretch, I know.

§9C. To respond to your question about the Oikhalias Halosis, that epic belongs to a somewhat later time. By the mid seventh century the Panionion was out of business as a site for epic poetry, and Panionian poetry itself could no longer thrive: Lydians and others had encroached and put an end to any common Ionian enterprise. The Homeric poems were still the common possession of the Ionians, but rifts between the cities appeared, as in the case of Miletus and Samos, and I see the Oikhalias Halosis in this historical context. As far as the Lelantine war is concerned, if one sees it as real, we would now be in the later phase of the war, in the time of Archilochus, as opposed to an earlier phase in the late eighth century. This is not your view, I know, and I respect that.

§9D. I also respect your argument that the Lelantine war is the historicized version of a mythic war (that of the Curetes), but should one not also allow for the opposite possibility, namely that the mythic war was retrojected from an actual war? I’ve argued for such a process in the case of the Athenian tradition of Erechtheus’s war for Eleusis : the annexation of Eleusis in the time of Solon was retrojected to the heroic age as a pretense that Eleusis had always been part of Attica. But I don’t know that this corresponds to the Lelantine war situation.

§9E. The Aeschylus fragment you sent is very interesting to me. I’ve argued that Nestor’s story in Iliad 11, in which he tells Patroclus how he once won the day in Pylos, is a battle cast as a chariot race covering the entire western Peloponnesus. But there’s a lot of philology to get through to see that this is the case. For another parallel, look at Aeschylus, Agamemnon 343–344.

I apologize for the length of this. Take it as a measure of the interest your work has stirred in me. I hope my perspective adds something to yours, as yours has to mine.

Natasha to Doug (May 23, 2018)

§10A. It is wonderful to have your thoughts on the Lelantine War—this interaction with you is so inspiring. The destruction of Melia is one of the stories whose status interests me deeply: I am fascinated by the repeated story pattern, in which a coalition destroys a city, which then becomes a cultic center of the coalition. I have dipped my foot into it in my thesis: the destruction of Argolic Asine appears similar; then there is the story of Crissa and the First Sacred War; and one can perhaps add to the list the relocation of the “piratical” Cynurians by the Spartans (Pausanias 3.2.2).

§10B. About Amphidamas: one of my projects is de-historicization of Hesiod (I attempt to read the “picnic scene” in the Works and Days as a festival at Hesiod’s tomb in Locris). I have not looked into it at length, but Hesiod’s visit to Chalcis seems to have some strange links to the stories of Hesiod’s death in Locris: the name of one of Amphidamas’ sons, Ganyctor, coincides with the name of one of Hesiod’s murderers (or their father, in another version).

§10C. Concerning the mythical war being the retrojection of a real war: Breglia 2013 makes precisely this argument about the Curetes in the Lelantine war. Now, I do not doubt that Chalcis and Eretria had episodes of real hostilities. In fact, in the fifth century and later, when the “image resolution” of our historical data becomes better, we can see how relations between pairs of cities united by the stories of ancient enmities mutate between peace and war, in conjunction with their internal political struggles. I have worked on the Argive-Spartan relations in particular, and one can see multiple shifts in the alignments of different political and social groups with the narrative of the Argive-Spartan strife. But it seems to me that when we think about the Archaic period with its mostly oral transmission, then myths and rituals are essentially the only category available to us: myths not in opposition to “real events,” but myth as events imbued with lasting meaning/significance. Thus, if there were early hostilities between Eretria and Chalcis that inspired the myth of the Curetes, such hostilities are much more difficult to detect in our record than less volatile myths.

I apologize for the vagueness of these notes—your questions, dear Doug, go right into the heart of my argument, its basic assumptions that I need to think through.

Doug to Natasha (May 28, 2018)

§11A. I’m grateful to you again for sharing your knowledge—I’m coming to appreciate the range of your interests! I’m not sure yet where I want to go with my own Lelantine interest. I’ve already indicated how I got to where I am. I’ll attach the proposal I wrote in January 2017 for my contribution to Holly’s Festschrift and you’ll see there’s nothing in it about the Lelantine war. That came into the picture a year later, in January this year, after I realized my piece for Holly was due in a month, not in a year as I had thought. I began the piece with what I had already worked out in Part 5 of my book Hippota Nestor about the Kreophyleioi of Samos; the Homeric Hymn to Pythian Apollo is the story there, and that part of the article was easy to write. Then I began thinking about the Oikhalias Halosis in terms of Sophocles’ Trachiniae, which I had read closely last fall for the Holly project. I had noticed that Sophocles says virtually nothing about the death of Eurytos in Heracles’ sack, and that this would seem to reflect a wish not to violate the Homeric tradition for his death at Apollo’s hands. I surmised that the Oikhalias Halosis had set the pattern for this skirting of the issue of Eurytos’ death out of respect for Homeric tradition. I had also noticed that Sophocles puts Oikhalia in Euboea, and when I realized that the Oikhalias Halosis had had the same non-Homeric location it dawned on me that for Samos, at the time of the Oikhalias Halosis, the choice of a specifically Eretrian location for Oikhalia would not be random—enter the Lelantine war into my article. The same tinkering with Homeric geography was what I had seen in the Hymn to Apollo, where Sparta after the Second Messenian war was the key.

§11B. When Greg suggested an online version of our collective back-and-forth about the Lelantine war you thought abridgment would be necessary and I agree. Keith made a good-faith attempt to use what’s already there, but I wonder whether that’s satisfactory. Would you care to recast the discussion so it has a proper beginning, middle, and end? Any way you did that would be satisfactory to me. I can’t say much more about my views at present than what I’ve already said. You’ve lived with the Lelantine war much longer and should naturally take the lead—if you want. It all depends on whether such an online discussion would serve your interests. I’m ready to follow or not.

§11C. Proposal written in January 2017:
Title: “Further thoughts on the Heracles tradition of Greek epic”
Abstract: In her 1980 article “Indo-European Dimensions of Heracles in Iliad 19.95–133” Olga Davidson reinforces Georges Dumezil’s work comparing three warrior figures in three related traditions, Greek, Indic, and Germanic. She shows how the Greek figure, Heracles, with an epic tradition of his own in Greek, was put to use in Homeric epic for ends of its own. I offer here further thoughts on the Heracles tradition and the poets who carried this tradition on, the Kreophyleioi of Samos. Homeric tradition, after the creation of the Iliad and the Odyssey in a context of Panionism, became the possession of the Homeridai of Chios. The two guilds of poets, Homeridai on Chios and Kreophyleioi on Samos—both islands were members of the Ionian dodecapolis—invite probing from the standpoint of historical context and likely rivalry.

May 29, 2018

Natasha’s complete paper on chariots in the Lelantine War, mentioned at the beginning of this correspondence, is now published in Classical Inquiries in three parts:

2018.05.17. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 1: Riding into the reenactment.”

2018.05.22. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 2: Enter Theseus.”

2018.05.29. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 3: Winning the Lelantine War.”

June 1, 2018

Greg publishes a follow-up in Classical Inquiries, incorporating references to the argumentation of Natasha, of Doug, and also of Andrea Debiasi:

2018.06.01. “Lelantine War, Eretria and Chalkis, and the Contest of Homer and Hesiod.”

Greg shares his follow-up with Natasha, Doug, and Andrea.

Natasha to Greg (June 1, 2018)

§12A. This is absolutely fascinating—a new way to look at the Lelantine war alliances. I will keep thinking about it and its implications. One question: you suggest at the end that Homer was also divided between the two teams (—Doug’s Kreophyleioi and Homeridai). So it was not a completely neat division into “Hesiodists” and “Homerists”?

§12B. I also wonder, to what does Hesiod’s victory translate politically?

Greg to Natasha (June 1, 2018)

§13A. You raise a very important point . . . Besides “team Hesiod and team Homer,” there are sub-teams, as it were, of “team Homer” . . . the Kreophyleioi of Samos and the Homeridai of Chios. The Kreophyleioi are more Hesiod-friendly, while the Homeridai are allergic to Hesiod. Ha ha ha.

§13B. About the politics of the Contest . . . I go on and on about that in Homer the Presclassic, and I paste for you how I get into the discussion. As you start reading, you will see my “point of entry” into the politics of the poetics . . .

§13C. {E§109} In terms of the argument I am developing, something comparable also happened in the evolution of the Panathenaia. Orpheus, once central to this festival, became marginalized. In the case of Orpheus, however, unlike the case of Dionysus, the marginalization was far more drastic. By the time of the democracy in Athens, Orpheus was totally eclipsed by Homer at the Panathenaia. That is, the rhapsodic repertoire of Orpheus ceased to be recognized at the festival, even if his citharodic repertoire may have been continued. I can explain the cause of this outcome in terms of another outcome in the evolution of the Panathenaia. That outcome can be formulated this way: the democratization of the Panathenaia in the era of the democracy led to the centralization of Homer in his role as poet of the Iliad and Odyssey. This centralization led to the marginalization of a poet who used to be central to the Panathenaia, Orpheus. That is because Orpheus was traditionally identified with kings and, later on, with tyrants who took the place of kings. Just as Kalliope was the Muse of kings (Hesiod Theogony 79–93), so also Orpheus son of Kalliope was the poet of kings. Orpheus can be described as the most royalist of all poets.

{E§110} In his identification with kings, Orpheus was similar to Hesiod and dissimilar to Homer. As we see from the Contest of Homer and Hesiod (Vita 2 of Homer), Hesiod was identified with kings, whereas Homer was identified with the people. The audience of this primal contest between Homer and Hesiod, described simply as ‘all the Hellenes’ (176 οἱ . . . ῞Ελληνες πάντες), enthusiastically acclaim Homer as the true winner over Hesiod, but the king presiding over the event overrules the will of ‘the Hellenes’ and awards the victory to Hesiod instead (176–179, 205–210). Hesiod’s association with royal authority is indicated even by the internal evidence of Hesiodic poetry: his poetic authority is pictured as a substitute for royal authority in both the Theogony and the Works and Days.

§13D. After the part that I pasted here, I go on for many more paragraphs about “royalist” poetics, but I bet you get the drift already.

It’s so much fun to be brainstorming with you about this inexhaustibly interesting topic.

Andrea to Greg (June 2, 2018)

§14A. I am so glad and honored to learn that you find convincing my reading of the Contest between Homer and Hesiod.

In addition to the 2010 Homeric Conference in Thessaloniki (such a large event, with so many speakers and too little time for discussion), I had the opportunity to test it out on two further occasions (in Bryn Mawr, 2012, and in Milan, 2016). Your official approval in Classical Inquiries means a lot to me.

§14B. The Lelantine War is such a difficult and controversial topic. Nonetheless, I believe more and more in its importance, especially in mythopoetic terms. The case of The Sack of Oikhalia pointed out by Doug is striking (but see also, on the same topic, the ingenious article written by Clara Talamo in 1975: “Il mito di Melaneo, Oichalia e la protostoria eretriese” in Contribution à l’étude de la société et de la colonisation eubéennes, Naples 1975, 27–36). Moreover, I feel that Hesiod himself (or, if you prefer, “Hesiod,” or—even better—“team Hesiod,” to use your effective expression) knows and alludes also poetically to events pertaining to the history of the Euboean cities, first of all Chalkis, involved in the conflict (see my Esiodo e l’occidente, Rome 2008, 30–34).

§14C. “Team Homer” vs. “Team Hesiod” seems to be a long-running match, starting in Archaic Greece but still lively in the Hellenistic age (I dare say that both Eratosthenes and Euphorion, authors of a work titled Hesiod, are young members of the venerable “Hesiodic Club”).



Bershadsky, Natasha. 2013. Pushing the Boundaries of Myth: Transformations of Ancient Border Wars in Archaic and Classical Greece. PhD diss., University of Chicago.

———. 2018.05.17. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 1: Riding into the reenactment.” Classical Inquiries.

———. 2018.05.22. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 2: Enter Theseus.” Classical Inquiries

———. 2018.05.29. “Chariots on the Lelantine plain and the art of taunting the losers, Part 3: Winning the Lelantine War.” Classical Inquiries.

———. 2018, forthcoming. “Impossible Memories of the Lelantine War.” Mètis.

Debiasi, Andrea. 2008. Esiodo e l’occidente. Rome.

Debiasi, Andrea. 2012. “Homer ἀγωνιστής in Chalcis.” In Homeric Contexts: Neoanalysis and the Interpretation of Oral Poetry, ed. F. Montanari, A. Rengakos, and C. Tsagalis, 471–500. Trends in Classics Supplementary Volume 12. Berlin and Boston.

Frame, Douglas. 2018. “Heracles in Ionian Epic: Genesis of the ‘Sack of Oikhalia’.” In A digital Festschrift

Nagy, Gregory. 2010|2009. Homer the Preclassic. Printed | Online version. Berkeley and Los Angeles.

Nagy, Gregory. 2018.06.01. “Lelantine War, Eretria and Chalkis, and the Contest of Homer and Hesiod.” Classical Inquiries

Parker, Victor. 1997. Untersuchungen zum Lelantischen Krieg und verwandten Problemen der frühgriechischen Geschichte. Stuttgart.

Pulci Doria Breglia, Luisa. 2013. “Titani, Cureti, Eracle. Mitopoiesi euboica e guerra lelantina.” In Tra mare e continente: l’isola d’Eubea, ed. Cinzia Bearzot and Franca Landucci Gattinoni, 17–65. Milan.

Talamo, Clara. 1975. “Il mito di Melaneo, Oichalia e la protostoria eretriese.” In Contribution à l’étude de la société et de la colonisation eubéennes, 27–36. Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard 2. Naples.